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storytelling bodies

Thomas Smith, "Change Islands Tickle," 1828. Image courtesy of Memorial University of Newfoundland, Centre for Newfoundland Studies

Thomas Smith, “Change Islands Tickle,” 1828. Image courtesy of Memorial University of Newfoundland, Centre for Newfoundland Studies

Thinking hard about sexual initiation today, and in particular, thinking through the idea of tickling. I know,  on the surface, it doesn’t sound like it links up, but those of you who have followed my random musings for a while might recall this post about a young man who experienced a “chatouillement voluptueux” after practicing onanism for a while.

The English word tickle, as it’s used in conversations among children – that is, as something you do to terrorize a friend or younger sibling (in the sense of “Watch out, here comes the tickle monster!” or “if you don’t stop, I’ll tickle you”) –  doesn’t do much justice to the experience described in the letter, so I went off to the Oxford English Dictionary Online to look for more historical understandings.

The first definition (caution: link will only work if you have a subscription to OED Online) took me by complete surprise. It shouldn’t have, but it did:

“A name given on the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador to a narrow difficult strait or passage.”

Given my current home, this should not at all have surprised me. After all, I’ve seen it often and looked it up before. But buried as I am in eighteenth-century letters, I wasn’t really thinking of geography. I’ll amend that. I wasn’t thinking of geography in the sense of bodies of land. But I suppose I was thinking of bodily geographies of a very different sort….

To be affected or excited by a pleasantly tingling or thrilling sensation; to be stirred or moved with a thrill of pleasure: said of the heart, lungs, blood, ‘spirits’, etc., also of the person.

and in earlier usage:

To tingle; to itch; also fig. to have an uneasy or impatient desire (usually to do something); to be eager.

And there it is. Pleasure. Sensuality. Body. Desire. Eagerness. Tingling.

It’s all there.

And in the examples provided, clear reference to tickling as an intimate experience and as something reflexive; that is, a body that tickles itself, a body that can pleasure itself.

Off to see what the French understood…

Eighteenth-century French definitions associate the idea of tickling with flattery. Tickling can be the bodily sensation that one experiences upon being flattered; it can also be the flattery itself. Thus, one can be tickled when one hears positive comments about one’s children. But, significantly, one’s body is also tickled when it is flattered. Consider the examples offered in both the 1762 and 1798 dictionaries produced by the Académie française (again, I suspect the link will only work if you have a subscription to the Dictionnaires d’autrefois project):

On dit, que Le vin chatouille le palais, le gosier; que La musique, l’harmonie chatouille l’oreille, les oreilles, pour dire, que Le vin, que La musique flattent agréablement les sens.

Tickling as pleasure emanates not only from physical touch, but also from what might be understood as “tickled senses.” Touch, taste, hearing – all of these can provoke pleasure.

Back to the Oxford English Dictionary:

1589   ‘Pasquill of England’ Returne Pasquill 16,   I needed no Minstrill to make me merrie, my hart tickled of it selfe.

Like the English dictionary entries, the French focus on tickling as an experience of bodily pleasure.

Considerably different, however, is the French focus on tickling as an act of flattery; in this evocation, tickling emerges out of a social encounter (and it hearkens back, interestingly, to histories of comportment in the form of honnêteté and bienséance….), even as it is experienced within the body.

I’ll have to play – tickle myself? – with this element a bit more…

—————————–

“tickle, n.1″. OED Online. March 2013. Oxford University Press. 2 May 2013 <http://www.oed.com.qe2a-proxy.mun.ca/view/Entry/201758?rskey=kZOCNR&result=1&isAdvanced=false&gt;.

“tickle, v.1″. OED Online. March 2013. Oxford University Press. 2 May 2013 <http://www.oed.com.qe2a-proxy.mun.ca/view/Entry/201761?rskey=kZOCNR&result=4&gt;.

“chatouiller”. Dictionnaire de l’Académie française. 1762; 1798. Dictionnaires d’autrefois. 2 May 2013. <http://artflx.uchicago.edu.qe2a-proxy.mun.ca/cgi-bin/dicos/pubdico1look.pl?strippedhw=chatouiller&gt;.

“Change Islands Tickle.” Digital Archives Initiative. Centre for Newfoundland Studies. Memorial University of Newfoundland. 2 May 2013. ,http://collections.mun.ca/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/maps&CISOPTR=348&CISOBOX=1&REC=3&gt;.

I spent a glorious morning on Wednesday reading the dictionary. Actually, I read several dictionaries. And an encyclopedia. To be completely honest, I didn’t read the whole dictionary or encyclopedia; I read selected entries in each one.

My terrain? The dictionaries included in the ARTFL project’s  Dictionnaires d’autrefois database. It’s a great collection that spans almost three full centuries of thought.

Given my work in eighteenth-century studies, I generally focus on the dictionaries published between 1694 and 1798:

  • Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, 1st edition (1694)
  • Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, 4th edition (1762)
  • Jean-François Féraud, Dictionnaire critique de la langue française (1787-1788)
  • Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, 5th edition (1798)

Within these, I am most interested in the fourth and fifth editions of the Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, as they neatly bookend my current research project: the French version of Tissot’s treatise on onanism appeared in 1760 and it was closely followed by what would soon come to be seen as his magnum opus, the Avis au peuple sur sa santé, which appeared just a year later. The letters to Tissot start streaming in immediately after this. The letters end in 1797, the year of Tissot’s death.

These two editions also bookend a particular interesting period in European political and intellectual thought: the French Revolution at the end of the century is perhaps the most obvious marker, but we can’t forget the publication of such key works as Rousseau’s Emile (1762), Julie (1761), Du Contrat Social (1762) (is my Rousseau bias showing yet?).

Dictionaries and encyclopedias provide fascinating insights into how a community thinks (or thought). A survey of several dictionaries, published across a span of several decades, can be particularly intriguing because it allows you to trace the trajectory of meaning (this is also why I enjoy perusing the Oxford English Dictionary Online http://www.oed.com/). Meanings can change subtly, even in a space of 30 years, and those subtleties can be deeply revealing.

Among other things, yesterday’s forays took me to such concepts as “peuple” and “patrie.” On the surface, those terms would appear to be self-evident, and, indeed, there are only minor changes in their definition between 1694 and 1798. But these changes are, to me, highly significant.

So let’s take a closer look.

In 1762, the Dictionnaire de l’Académie française offered the following under the first heading for “peuple.”

PEUPLE. s.m. Terme collectif. Multitude d’hommes d’un même pays, qui vivent sous les mêmes lois. Le peuple Hébreu. Le peuple Juif. Le peuple d’Israël. Le peuple Hébreu a été appelé le peuple de Dieu. Le peuple Romain. Les peuples Septentrionaux. Les peuples d’Orient. Les peuples Asiatiques. Les peuples du Nord. Les peuples de Provence, de Dauphiné, &c. Tous les peuples de la terre.

Looking more closely at the entry under the second heading offers further insight:

PEUPLE se prend quelquefois pour Une multitude d’hommes qui sont d’une même religion, soit qu’ils soient du même pays ou non. Ainsi en parlant des Juifs, on dit, que Le peuple Juif est dispersé par toute la terre.

En parlant à un Prince de ses Sujets, on lui dit, Vos peuples, votre peuple.

Il se dit aussi d’Une multitude d’habitans qui vivent ou dans une même ville, ou dans un même bourg ou village. Il y a beaucoup de peuple dans Paris. Tout le peuple du bourg, du village accourut.

Il se prend aussi quelquefois pour La partie la moins considérable d’entre les habitans d’une même ville, d’un même pays. Il y eut quelque émotion parmi le peuple. La plupart du temps, le peuple ne sait ce qu’il veut. Il n’y avoit que du peuple à la promenade. ….

Interesting here is the way that this concept integrates questions of socio-economic class with broader concepts of social location, education, religious belief, and geography.

The 1798 definition is very similar: there is still a Jewish people, spread across the earth; there is still a grouping of residents living in the same region, there is still a prince and he still has his people.

But the new definition elaborates on the idea of the prince and his “peuple”:

En parlant à un Prince de ses Sujets, on lui dit, Vos peuples, votre peuple, non pour exprimer que le peuple est sa propriété, mais qu’il est l’objet de ses soins.

In this new iteration, the Prince’s subjects are not his possessions to do with as he pleases; rather, they are possessions for he must take responsibility: the people are the object of his care and concern. This is a substantive change, one that acknowledges and reflects the political and ideological transformations wrought by the French Revolution (it is entirely possible that this meaning was already implied in previous editions; however, it is clear that the editors of the dictionary felt it was important to articulate this point directly and overtly in this edition).

When we look at the word “patrie,” we see similar operations at play. Let’s start with the Encyclopédie entry (also available through ARTFL; English translations of some articles are available through the Encyclopedia of Diderot and d’Alembert Collaborative Translation Project , for which I have also contributed five translations).

Interestingly, Jaucourt, author of the Encyclopédie definition of “patrie” links the concept to the idea of the family: “patrie,” of course, comes from the Latin root pater, or father. But he also actively gestures towards a maternal imaginary, waxing poetic on the idea of patrie as nurse and mother:

C’est une nourrice qui donne son lait avec autant de plaisir qu’on le reçoit. C’est une mère qui chérit tous ses enfans, qui ne les distingue qu’autant qu’ils se distinguent eux – mêmes; qui veut bien qu’il y ait de l’opulence & de la médiocrité, mais point de pauvres; des grands & des petits, mais personne d’opprimé; qui même dans ce partage inégal, conserve une sorte d’égalité, en ouvrant à tous le chemin des premières places; qui ne souffre aucun mal dans sa famille, que ceux qu’elle ne peut empêcher, la maladie & la mort; qui croiroit n’avoir rien fait en donnant l’être à ses enfans, si elle n’y ajoutoit le bien – être….

What is clear, in any case, is that “patrie” is linked to a notion of family, of belonging, of membership. The “patrie” is a family cocooned in generosity, benevolence, care and grace, an entity that wishes good for all who belong to it.

So what does this mean for the dictionary entries? The 1762 entry offers the following:

PATRIE. s.f. Le pays, l’État où l’on est né.

The definition here brings forward questions of belonging by virtue of birth (which, once again, links to the idea of the family and the nursing mother), but what is more interesting are the examples offered:

La France est notre patrie. L’amour de la patrie. Pour le bien de sa patrie. Pour le service de sa patrie. Servir sa patrie. Défendre sa patrie. Mourir pour sa patrie. Le devoir envers la patrie est un des premiers devoirs. Cicéron est le premier des Romains qui ait été appelé le père de la patrie. On étend quelquefois ce mot à des Provinces, à des Villes. Paris est sa patrie.

Patrie inspires deep commitment and responsibility; the responsibility to protect, to serve, to defend … to die for the homeland. Belonging carries with it immense responsibilities.

These elements are also present in the 1798 version, but with one key difference. By 1798 it is no longer enough to die for the homeland. This conceptualization has been expanded:

Il est doux de mourir pour la patrie.

Death is no longer just a responsibility; it is sweet, good and right, a balm undertaken for the good of the whole.

After this spate of hiring is finished, I’ll get to frolic more frequently with dictionary entries. I can’t wait.

I’ve been reading Annie K. Smart’s Citoyennes: Women and the Ideal of Citizenship in Eighteenth-Century France over the past few days, and as I read, I’m finding myself nodding along.  Moving away from – but still indebted to – scholars like Joan B. Landes, Carole Pateman and others who argued that women were actively excluded from political citizenship in the eighteenth century, Smart instead argues for a different vision of citizenship. Drawing on the insights of Uma Narayan, she asserts that citizenship is not just about public rights such as the right to vote or hold office, but it is about active engagement with and for the good of one’s society. As Smart writes:

A feminist vision of citizenship would embrace all members of a nation who actively participate in civic and political life….According to Narayan, citizenship is about belonging: ‘Citizenship has always been about membership, participation and belonging as well as about respect, dignity, status-equality, and a variety of rights.’ Citizenship is thus an active quality that demands participation in matters relating to the public good. (7)

I find this vision of citizenship immensely appealing. It responds to concerns I had when I first encountered the work of Landes, Pateman and others, and it also responds to my personal fascination with Rousseau. Now, Rousseau’s been a thorn in feminism’s side for a good while. Some feminist thinkers hate him. Some love him. Others find his work contradictory, ambiguous. Almost nobody is ambivalent. What is clear is that there is no single ‘feminist’ response to Rousseau. Nope, we’re all over the place on what Rousseau is saying and what his visions have to offer (or not). While I personally find Rousseau’s work problematic on some levels, I am also very much drawn into other aspects of his political vision and I’m really not ready to toss him overboard.

But back to Annie Smart. Smart’s argument is that the home was the key incubator of citizenship; it is in the home – and through the actions of nurturing mothers (mothers who nursed not only with their milk, but also with their care – that individuals developed their understandings of citizenship. In this conceptualization, the home is not a private, domestic space divorced from the political sphere; rather, it is integral to the political. It is the very birthplace of the citizen.

That people identified the home as a site of civic virtue is evident in the letters addressed to Tissot as well. While the performance of maternal virtue – the nursing mother, the doting mother, the mother who puts her health on the line for the sake of her child(ren) – is an obvious starting point, it’s also been very intriguing to read about virtuous fathers. Such fathers foreground their parental responsibilities, articulating a vision of citizenship premised not only on their own social positions as workers, but also on their roles and responsibilities as parents and further, on the health of their children (and how this health might affect their ability to contribute to the public good). Fatherhood and family are integral to their presentation of self. Equally interesting are the letters from individuals who experienced bodily distress as a result of family conflict. In these instances, bodies manifested emotional distress; in numerous cases, Tissot indicated that bodily disorder was the result of “chagrin” – grief as a result of discord and struggle.

If one thing is clear from reading these letters, it is that the family and the domestic were not imagined as passive or neutral spaces; rather, they were deeply implicated in questions of moral and civic virtue.

Not that this is news to anyone who thrives on stories and storytelling, but researchers are “discovering” that the brain is powerfully affected by the act of reading.

Stories fire up the senses in myriad ways, building connections across different regions of the brain. Moreover, this research confirms what I was told many years ago – the brain does not distinguish between a ‘real’ or an ‘imagined’ event. Those of us who read know that literature takes us on all sorts of adventures, journeys of exploration and discovery in which we learn as much about ourselves as we do about the world around us.

I could get into a rant about how something is only ever accepted as “true” if it’s granted credence by ‘science,’ but perhaps that’s a rant for another day. For the moment, it’s nice to see that science has finally caught up. As Ann Murphy Paul writes:

These findings will affirm the experience of readers who have felt illuminated and instructed by a novel, who have found themselves comparing a plucky young woman to Elizabeth Bennet or a tiresome pedant to Edward Casaubon. Reading great literature, it has long been averred, enlarges and improves us as human beings. Brain science shows this claim is truer than we imagined.

currydish

Green Bean, Squash and Coconut Curry (from 5 Spices, 50 Dishes by Ruta Kahate… but made at our house!)

My students and I have talked a lot about citizenship this term, both the formal kind that grants you things like passports and voting privileges, but also the informal kind, encapsulated in the idea of the imagined community, folks united by virtue of shared conceptualizations of belonging. Our journeys together have taken us from the battles for suffrage (and the complexities, inclusions and exclusions in relation to questions of  voter rights … not just women, but conscientious objectors, Indo-Canadians, Japanese-Canadians, aboriginal peoples, etc…) and deep into questions of belonging. On what basis have nation-states been founded? Who determines – and has determined – the parameters of belonging? And how might the exclusions bring into high relief the politics of inclusion?

This morning I attended a talk (given by Dr. Tim Cresswell) that brought all of these ideas to bear in relation to the question of mobility and citizenship; that is, the extent to which mobility is a taken for granted aspect of “citizenship,” but at the same time, the acknowledgement that there are proper and improper mobilities, each of which inscribe bodies both within and outside of imagined communities of citizens.

Mobility is something that  I, once possessed of dual citizenship in the form of a bright and shiny EU passport as well as a more stolid – but well recognized – Canadian passport, have been fortunate enough to take for granted. For the most part I have travelled by choice. Crossing borders has rarely been fraught; indeed, I have enjoyed the privileges that this pair of passports has accorded me. Such mobility isn’t always that simple. In our classes, we have reflected on the troubled mobility of refugees and internally displaced persons. And in relation to refugee experience, we have considered, too, the idea of a “home camp,” an oxymoronic term that asks us to link the idea of home – that is, of a stable, fixed pace – with the idea of camp – that is, of a temporary shelter.

More recently, however, I’ve begun thinking about how citizenship manifests itself on/in the body itself. And that reflection has led me to thinking about the palate. Perhaps it’s Christmas, with all its treats and culinary delights, that has awakened this. Perhaps it was the discussion, with one of our international students about ‘Canadian Christmas food traditions’ that made me pause. Or perhaps it was a conversation with one of my children about food and the foods that we, in Canada, can call our own.

In any case, all of this thinking sent my mind scuttling back to a conversation I had with my cousins many years ago. “You cannot possibly be Dutch,” they told me (I’m paraphrasing and translating at the same time…), “because you don’t like coffee, beer or drop.”

They’re right. I hate all of those things. I love the smell of coffee. I could sit in a coffee shop all day. But the flavour has always been a huge disappointment. Beer and drop (Dutch black licorice), well, we’ve never had a particularly amicable relationship.

And yet those are all quintessentially Dutch things. They are marker of national identity; consuming them marks one’s belonging in the imagined community that is “Dutchness.” Indeed, these three things – coffee, beer and drop – are staples at Dutch stores around Canada. These stores are sites of Dutch expat imagined community, spaces to pick up delicacies that you might not have eaten often in the mother country, but which become central to your identity through the experience of absence. Coffee, beer, drop, yes…but also speculas, vla, hagelslag, stroopwafels and even delft blauw ware and tea towels.

So why does my Dutchness (expressed to me by cousins who are half-Surinamese and who lived a large part of their childhood in Indonesia) located in coffee, beer and drop?

It seems to me that national identity – imagined community – is fundamentally shaped by the palate; that is, by the flavours, textures and smells of the food that we call ‘home.’ These flavours, textures and smells mark boundaries of belonging and exclusion. They make certain things acceptable through the active exclusion of other things. Certain smells – batter fried fish and chips, for example – might be perfectly acceptable while others – lamb curry… or garlicky hummous, for example – might not. Through this process of inclusions and exclusions we further refine our palates, shaping them – and ourselves – into ideal members of our chosen (or imposed) imagined communities.

Cookbooks can formalize so-called citizenships of the palate. Indeed, the sharing of recipes is, as my colleague, Diane Tye, has pointed out, central to building and sustaining community. Recipes mark social and cultural bonds, uniting people (often women) by virtue of gender, class, religion, geography… Cookbooks formalize the palate, inscribing and fixing ideologies of culinary belonging.

But what does this mean for the imagined community that is Canadian settler society? Of what does our palate consist? What is “Canadian” about the various flavours, textures and smells that we celebrate? Is there anything “Canadian” at all?

When asked this question, the general tendency has been to draw on a mythical shared ‘aboriginal’ heritage. Heck, it’s what Canadian beauty queens have done with fashion, and, after all, in the culinary realm what could be more ‘Canadian’ than pemmican? Ah, the irony of appropriating native food while actively excluding Canada’s aboriginal peoples from both the formal and informal rights of citizenship.

As I think through all of this, I also reflect on the palate we’re developing in our homes. Our approach to food is eclectic, international. We like spices. We like garlic. We like beans and chickpeas and lentils. We favour a diverse diet that draws inspiration from India, Japan, the Middle East, the Mediterranean, North Africa and Western Europe. Oftentimes we bring these traditions together in what are likely entirely inappropriate ways.

When I step back, I realise that we operate, food-wise, in a mode of travel. Mobility is central to our palate, central to who we define ourselves to be. And we transmit this idea through every meal we create and share together. Perhaps this is unsurprising. Histories of travel have fundamentally shaped my identity. It seems logical that such histories would be reflected in the foods that I have chosen to call my own.

What stories does your palate tell?

currygingerchickpea

I’ve spent the last few days with Helene Cixous. Well, not literally. Rather, I’ve spent it with her writing, revising an essay on The Day I Wasn’t There, a haunting novella about life, loss and longing.

I adore Cixous. I fell in love with her “Laugh of the Medusa” the very first time I read it. Nobody else in my class was as entranced as I was. And my love affair has only continued. I love the way she writes. I love how she thinks with words through words about words. I love how she plays with language with punctuation with meaning. When I read her, I am in bliss. ecstasy. jouissance.

I’m like that about most ‘French’ theory, but Cixous definitely holds a special place. Her work is…well, there’s no word that can really capture it….

“Do you see theory as if it’s poetry?” my husband asked me earlier tonight, “Because you talk about it as if it’s poetry.”

“What else could Cixous possibly be?” I say.

cixous

I have to say, this takes the idea of corporeal autobiography in a whole new direction. what does transposed flesh tell? Whose stories does it tell? And where’s Donna Haraway when you need her?

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/26/business/mice-as-stand-ins-in-the-fight-against-disease.html?_r=0

From the article:

“In what could be the ultimate in personalized medicine, animals bearing your disease, or part of your anatomy, can serve as your personal guinea pig, so to speak. Some researchers call them avatars, like the virtual characters in movies and online games.”

Today’s post brought to you through the good folks at Nursing Clio, a really fabulous blog on all things histories, bodies, medicine, gender and politics. The blog’s tagline – “Because the personal is historical” – says it all. On Sunday mornings, Nursing Clio publishes a post called “Sunday Morning Medicine,” a compendium of random blog posts, newspaper articles and images that relate to the kinds of things the blog’s authors find interesting, important and relevant.

Here, for your delectation, is one of those links from yesterday’s Sunday Morning Medicine:

http://streetanatomy.com/2012/09/04/the-objectification-of-female-surface-anatomy/
What’s interesting, at least to me, about this anatomy book are the assumptions made by the authors: medical students are male, medical students are hetero and therefore, medical textbooks that cater to these normative (and yes, essentialist) categories will be successful. It’s an equation that many of us try to make in current courses as well: how do we best make our material accessible and engaging to our audience? But these assumptions – together with the images themselves – also tell us a lot about the society in which this text is produced. They tell us about how desire is imagined, who gets to imagine desire and what counts as desirable, for example.

And another thing this book reminds us is that, in the words of Edward Halperin (in a link helpfully provided by one of the commenters on the blog post), author of an article on the genesis of this particular book:

“medicine is fundamentally a social activity which occurs in the context of social mores and customs, that there is rarely a consensus on how to display the human body for anatomical education, that mutual respect between student and teacher or author and reader is an essential element of education, and that a teacher must be mindful of the risks of imposing his/her views regarding controversial social subjects on students.”

We all bring our biases into our research; it’s an inevitable aspect of the human condition. We can’t escape it. Our histories, our politics, our heritage, our experiences…all of this affects the questions we ask, the ways we go about finding answers, the kinds of analyses we undertake and the stories we ultimately  tell. And while we might just see this textbook as a curious find of nothing more than antiquarian interest, I think it can serve a higher purpose: it might just, even for a moment, allow us to make our own world strange; it might allow us to consider some of the bodily assumptions that we take for granted, assumptions that, I suspect, will form the basis of the next generation’s cabinet of medical curiosities.

I’m thinking about the margins today. To be honest, I’m usually thinking about the margins. I love abjection. I love Anzaldúa’s mestiza consciousness, I love Chandra Mohanty. I’m all about borders, boundaries, margins and the liminal spaces between otherwise fixed categories (or at least seemingly fixed categories).

But I’m thinking about literal margins today. You know, that white space between the text and the edge of the page. For some, it’s a hallowed space that needs to be kept fresh and clean and neat and, above all, white. For others, like me, it’s a space to draw stars and arrows. It’s a space for question marks and sometimes, for exclamation marks. It’s a space to write notes, scribble words and ideas. It’s the best part of the book, in fact, because it’s there where the thinking that unites author and reader manifests itself.

Margins can also be politically productive spaces. At the 2010 conference of the International Auto/Biography Association, I learned about a resourceful suffragette who, even while jailed (and officially forbidden to write), managed to write her autobiography.  Inmates were allowed to read, but not allowed to write…so how did she do this? Well, she brought in a book of her favourite poems and sewed a pencil into the hem of her skirt. Poetry has the advantage – for the autobiographer – of wide margins. This suffragist (whose name escapes me, unfortunately, and the conference program is at work rather than here, at home) filled every single blank space in her volume of poetry (I seem to recall it was Byron, but perhaps that’s not the case. It seems too good to be true…). An artist, she also drew in the margins. And now, because of her resourcefulness – and because of those conveniently wide margins –  we have an auto/biographical fragment that otherwise would not have been written. Magic in the margins.

Margins can also be a site for initiating conversation.  Interviewed in a feature article on marginalia in the National Post (which was, evocatively, published complete with its own marginalia), David Spadafora observes that:

“There are clearly occasions where the maker of the marginalia has an intended audience — perhaps even future people who do not yet exist — and who are writing so as to touch someone else, somehow. Why did Thomas Jefferson, in The Federalist [essay collection], see it fit to annotate the text with a key that tells us who wrote those anonymous articles? Surely, Jefferson didn’t do that just to remind himself. Surely, he had another audience in mind.”

Margins are important in my work as well. Patients use margins to disagree with their doctors, for example, or to add details that they had forgotten. Doctors use marginalia to expound on a certain point. Margins, in this sense, are part of an ongoing conversation. Sometimes the margins serve a purely practical purpose: the correspondent has run out of room and uses the margins to finish off the letter. Other writers leave us with no margins at all. Instead, they fill every corner of their paper, cramming it completely full of text.

Michael Stolberg, who has examined extant copies of Tissot’s Avis au people sur sa santé, a book that a large number of Tissot’s patients claimed they’d read (and that they said they relied on for any medical need they had), observes that marginalia can give clues as to how individuals read. In the case of the Avis, it seems that the book was used as an encyclopedia. Patients read – and commented on – passages that were directly relevant to their health. The extant copies do not provide evidence that they were read from cover to cover. Perhaps, then, we might be best taking patient ‘truths’ with a grain of salt; perhaps their comments were nothing more than posturing, the genuflecting required in the presence of greatness.

But I’m not entirely satisfied with that response. After all, this conclusion is based on an examination of extant copies, and that, in itself, is limiting. For a work that was so immensely popular (going through innumerable printings and several translations, even before the end of the eighteenth century), there are relatively few extant copies, and this begs a number of questions: Were some copies so well read that they fell apart with age, their pages so well thumbed that, over time, they crumbled and the books destroyed? Is it possible that other books – filled with marginalia – existed?

“It’s International Book Week,” many of my Facebook friends’ status updates proclaim this week. They then invite me to take part in the latest meme: going to page 52 or 53 or 54 of our nearest book and typing out the fifth sentence.

These sentences, taken out of context, are sometimes amusing, sometimes curious, and sometimes, just plain gruesome. One friend hastened to clarify that “her” sentence, which featured a woman apparently stroking a sinewy male arm, was not taken from the erotic bestseller, Fifty Shades of Grey. Others, it seems, have also taken care to present themselves in a flattering light. The sentences are all miniature masterpieces. It’s clear that not just any book was chosen; rather, these sentences appear to reflect the personalities of their tellers.

It’s a careful balancing act, to be sure. Take my own case, for example. When I noticed the request, I was getting final touches ready for my graduate seminar in Feminist Methodologies and Epistemologies. Among other readings, we’re using Allison Jaggar’s edited collection, Just Methods: An Interdisciplinary Feminist Reader for that course. But I had also just returned from the library, where I’d picked up a brand new book, the 2011 English translation of Michael Stolberg’s 2003 book, Homo patiens. Krankheits- und Körpererfahrung in der Frühen Neuzeit.

Now it’s pretty obvious – at least to me – which book would have the tastier morsel to share.  By sharing, I also ensured that my name – and my identity – aligned themselves neatly with Stolberg’s conceptual world. And so I pulled Stolberg into the meme-web and shared sentence five from page 52:

“Tongue biting, which is considered typical today, was hardly ever mentioned, but many patients and their relatives did report foaming at the mouth, and, as a particularly characteristic symptom, thumbs turned inward toward the palm.”

Ten minutes later, I received a satisfyingly disgusted response from my friend.  Presentation of self through the words of others successfully completed. You see, it’s all in the packaging. I also carefully used Stolberg’s German title. After all, in North American climes, a German title sounds much more exotic and, indeed, scholarly and intellectual, than this decidedly prosaic English title:  Experiencing Illness and the Sick Body in Early Modern Europe.  Serviceable, yes. Scintillating, not so much. As a marker of identity, German tongue biting was by far the best option.

So what does Prof. Dr. Stolberg have to say? In essence, he lays out groundwork that will be essential for my own project. Examining a formidable array of primary source documents, among them extensive letter collections, Stolberg paints a picture of how it was that patients experienced and understood their illnesses, and further, how their understandings intersected with those of medical professionals during the early modern period. In this, he extends terrain originally explored and mapped by Barbara Duden in her still revolutionary book, The Woman Beneath the Skin. It also contributes to ongoing conversations in the history of medicine and the history of the body in the early modern period.

With its impressive archival foundations – drawing on material from archival collections in Amsterdam, Arnhem, Avignon, Bamberg, Basel, Bern, Bologna, Bremen, Dresden, Erlangen, Frankfurt, Geneva (phew! I’m exhausted and I’m only at ‘G’!), Hamburg, Köln, Lausanne, Leiden, London, Munich, Nürnberg, Paris, Regensburg, Schwerin, Stuttgart, Utrecht, Weimar and Wiesbaden (and now, I’m definitely out of breath) – this book offers a fantastic overview of the situation across Europe during the period that concerns me most, while still leaving untouched the ideas that interest me most;  namely, the role of the body in the construction of political virtue.  Body politics. That’s where my heart lies. Unsurprisingly, it’s also where a lot of my blog postings seem to go. Like the fifth sentence of page 52, they, too, function as a sort of autobiographical repository…

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